http://www.ncdsv.org/images/childrenwitnessingadultdv.pdf
Reviewed studies report a series of childhood problems statistically associated
with a child’s witnessing of domestic violence. These problems can be grouped
into the three main categories examining effects of recent witnessing – (1)
behavioral and emotional functioning; (2) cognitive functioning and attitudes; (3)
physical functioning – and a fourth category that examined long-term effects.
Each of these four categories are reviewed in more detail below.
Behavioral and emotional problems. The area in which there is probably the
greatest amount of information on problems associated with witnessing adult
domestic violence is in the area of children’s behavioral and emotional
functioning. Generally, studies using the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL;
Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1983) and similar measures have found child witnesses
of domestic violence to exhibit more aggressive and antisocial (often called
“externalized” behaviors) as well as fearful and inhibited behaviors (
“internalized” behaviors) (Christopherpoulos et al., 1987; Davis & Carlson, 1987;
Fantuzzo et al., 1991; Holden & Ritchie, 1991; Hughes, 1988; Hughes, Parkinson
& Vargo, 1989; Jaffe et al., 1986; Jouriles, Murphy & O’Leary, 1989; Kerouac,
Taggart, Lescop & Fortin, 1986; Stagg, Wills & Howell, 1989; Wolfe et al., 1985),
and to show lower social competence than other children (Davis & Carlson, 1987;
Fantuzzo et al., 1991; Stagg, Wills & Howell, 1989; Wolfe et al., 1985, 1986).
Children who witnessed violence were also found to show more anxiety, selfesteem,
depression, anger, and temperament problems than children who did
not witness violence at home (Christopherpoulos et al., 1987; Forsstrom-Cohn &
Rosenbaum, 1985; Holden & Ritchie, 1991; Hughes, 1988; Martin et al., 1987;
Westra & Martin, 1981). Children from homes where their mothers were being
abused have shown less skill in understanding how others feel and examining
situations from others’ perspectives when compared to children from nonviolent
households (Hinchey & Gavelek; 1982).
Overall, these studies indicate a consistent finding across various samples and
differing methodologies that child witnesses of domestic violence exhibit a host
of behavioral and emotional problems. A few studies have reported finding no
differences on some of these measures, but these same studies reported
significant differences on other measures ( for example, Christopherpoulos et al.,
1987; Wolfe et al., 1986).
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Another aspect of the effects on children is their own use of violence. Social
learning theory would suggest that children who witness violence may also learn
to use it. Several researchers have attempted to look at this link between
exposure to domestic violence and subsequent use of it. Some support for this
hypothesis has been found. For example, Carlson (1990) found that adolescent
males who witnessed spouse abuse were significantly more likely to use violence
than non-witnesses. There were no significant differences found for females in
her study.
Cognitive functioning and attitudes. A number of studies have measured the
association between cognitive development problems and witnessing domestic
violence. Children resident in shelters were found to show significantly lower
verbal and quantitative skills when compared to a national sample (Westra &
Martin, 1991). Children’s exposure to adult domestic violence was also
significantly associated with greater immaturity and inadequacy among both
boys and girls (Jouriles, Murphy & O’Leary, 1989).
One of the most direct consequences of witnessing violence may be the attitudes
a child develops concerning the use of violence and conflict resolution. Jaffe,
Wilson and Wolfe (1986) suggest that children’s exposure to adult domestic
violence may generate attitudes justifying their own use of violence. Spaccarelli,
Coatsworth and Bowden’s (1995) findings support this association by showing
that adolescent boys incarcerated for violent crimes who had been exposed to
family violence believed more than others that “acting aggressively enhances
one’s reputation or self-image” (p. 173). Believing that aggression would enhance
their self-image significantly predicted violent offending.
Boys and girls appear to differ in what they learn from these experiences.
Carlson (1991) found that adolescent boys who witnessed domestic violence
were significantly more likely to approve of violence than were girls who had
also witnessed it.
Physical functioning. Few studies have reported on children’s physical
conditions. Larsson and Andersson (1988) found that Swedish children living in
families where adult domestic violence was occurring had “almost twice as
many admissions to the hospital (than controls). The majority had been
hospitalized during their pre-school age” (p. 166). Children in this study who
were exposed to domestic violence also recorded psychosomatic complaints
more often than children in control groups. Kerouac, et al. (1986) found that
children residing in a Montreal shelter were almost twice as often absent from
school for health problems when compared to government data on the general
populations of Canadian and American children.
Long-term effects on development. Most studies reviewed to this point have
examined child problems associated with recent witnessing of domestic violence.
A number of studies have mentioned much longer term effects reported
retrospectively by adults or indicated in archival records. For example, Silvern et
al. (1995) found that witnessing violence as a child was associated with adult
reports of depression, trauma-related symptoms and low self-esteem among
women and trauma-related symptoms alone among men. These effects appeared
to be independent of the effects of parental alcohol abuse and divorce. In the
same vein, Henning et al. (1996) found that adult women who had witnessed
domestic violence as a child showed greater distress and lower social adjustment
than non-witnesses. These findings persisted even after accounting for the effects
of witnessing parental verbal conflict, being abused as a child, and level of
reported parental caring.
There is also some support for the hypothesis that children from violent families
of origin carry violent and violence-tolerant roles to their adult intimate
relationships (Cappell & Heiner, 1990; Rosenbaum & O’Leary, 1981; Widom,
1989). For example, Rosenbaum and O’Leary (1981) reported that the male
batterers in their study were much more likely than others to have grown up in
homes where adult domestic violence was occurring. A similar finding is also
reported in a study by Barnett, Butler and Ryska (1987). Likewise, Suh and Abel
(1990) found that batterers who were abused as a child were more likely to abuse
their own children.
Finally, several authors have reported strong associations between childhood
victimization and later adult violent and criminal behavior (Rivera & Widom,
1990; Widom, 1989). Violent adolescents were shown to have been seriously
physically abused by a parent and to have witnessed weapons violations
between adults in their homes significantly more often than were others
(Spaccarelli, et al., 1995). These two variables, independently and in combination,
were significantly associated with an adolescent’s use of violence.
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